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Discussion Paper: LEFT FORUM (LANKA)

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Discussion paper dated 15th of February 2014 submitted by Ceylon Communist Unity Centre to the LEFT FORUM initiated by Frontline Socialist Party

I

A step forward to understand the present political situation

The concern of people of Ceylon now is towards the discourse of the political freedom from the totalitarianism of Mahinda Regime which is established on the absolute powers of an individual - the Executive President Mahinda Rajapakse and his nepotism on the one hand and from external threats on the other hand.

The vulnerability of the affairs connected to the issue concerned are very much deteriorated after the Military triumphalism of Mahinda Regime with the collaboration of the external forces over the LTTE, which claimed itself to be the sole representative of Tamils and functioned on behalf of the Tamil People, despite all its misguided tactics of struggles such as individual assassination and onslaught on ordinary people and stood with its armed resistance against the state until May 2009.

Upon the said triumphalism, the Mahinda Regime has not only abused the Legislature to  pass  the 18th amendment to the Constitution, other laws to dilute the powers vested on Provincial Councils by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of 1978 and further Draconian Laws but also attacked the Judiciary-“ Judicial Activism” by impeaching Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake. These are some of the examples which are openly known to the Public.

Military domain has been established even on the so called Civil Administration. It is very visible in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. i.e. the control of the security forces over the affairs of day to day of the people and having control over the personal properties (house and lands) and acquiring them and not leaving the private lands and houses which were forcibly acquired and occupied by the Security Forces.

 

Moreover, the cry for international inquiries on war crimes and want of reconciliation measures of the very international community led by US imperialism which supported and assisted the government of Ceylon to carry on with the military activities in the North. This now appears to be the direct tug of war between US imperialism and Mahinda Regime, which has submitted to the imperialist basic structure the neo-liberalism, but has contradictions with the super structures such as ‘Good Governance’ ‘Human Rights’ so on and so forth, as leadership of this regime is very much neo-conservative but pseudo anti-imperialist to play with the internal political cards.

Since, the introduction of 1978 Constitution systematic centralization of state powers by various ways are established in the guise or cover of measures against terrorism and separatism. These measures are by and large tolerated or stomached by the Majority Sinhala Nationality as  the opinion  against the demand and struggles on the Part of the Tamils including the practice of Tamil moderates and militants, is conveniently hegemonized  among them by the Sinhala Buddhist Chauvinist state and Forces. They hegimonized on the misguided serious mistakes on the parts of the moderate as well as militants of Tamils, that their demand and struggles are detrimental to the very existence of Sinhala Nationality.

The continuous anti-democratic activities of the Sinhala ruling classes have been supported by them with the escapism of Terrorism and Separatism in order to establish domination over all the people of Ceylon and keep on maintaining it.

In these premises it should be understood that the role of Sinhala Bourgeois Leadership of pre-independent era (prior to 1948) was compromising and divisive to the freedom movement and therefore they had failed to unite all the nationalities and societies of Ceylon. As it is inevitable anywhere else in the Capitalist System the Phenomenon of oppression on nationalities, very well manifested in Ceylon too, as the crisis in economic development as well as its socio-political discrimination continued even  after the exchange of political powers from British Colonialist unto the local bourgeois(Sinhala) in 1948.

This manifestation has evoked counter reactions of the oppressed nationalities especially the Ceylon Tamil Nationality. These repercussions developed towards the demand for a separate state for Tamils in the North and East of Ceylon. It did not reflect as it is among Muslims and Up Country Tamils but has led to the emergence of parties on ethnic and religious nationalism which were also made bad to worse of the unity of all Ceylonese.

The heights of the demand for separate state for the Ceylon Tamils have led to the armed resistance of Tamil youths. This was answered by the ruling classes of Sinhala Nationalism/Chauvinism by state terrorism, military operation or war on Tamil people and the ultimate tragedy was that while the Separatist LTTE cadres and their sympathizers and even the genuine supporter of the Tamil cause were dying in the hands of state terrorism and military operation, thousands of common people were also loosing their lives.

At this backdrop, considerable number of lives of the members of almost all the nationalities were taken away and the gap among the nationalities are rather widened. Another dire important task ahead on Ceylonese is the recent direct contradictions between the imperialist and the present leadership of the ruling classes of Ceylon, which will ultimately lead to the imperialist attacks on all the people of Ceylon; thus will victimize all of them too.

In these brief understanding it is evident that the oppressed nationality question or Tamil question has been pushed to be the major issue basing or justifying on which the reaction, fascism and totalitarianism were fed, which deny the political freedom. So no political freedom is possible for all Ceylonese without the freedom of oppressed nationalities especially the Ceylon Tamils. The deep rooted basic of the struggle of the Tamils represents one of the bases of the democratic revolution with anti-colonialist-anti-imperialist nature which would be included in the immediate tactical political programme of all Ceylonese. The political question of the Tamil Nationality apart from its national and democratic demand, the confinement to identity politics and the class nature of the issue established by the Government of Ceylon leading to the victory over the LTTE and the continuous systematic attacks on the social structures of Tamils.

Unless the Tamil nationality question or oppressed nationalities question is understood at the real level of its developments from pre-independence era to date there cannot be a correct grasp of the nucleus of the present situation of Ceylon and Vice-Versa.

This is also a criticism on the so called leftist parties which do not accept at all that there is a nationalities question and social democratic parties – reformist which are aligned with Mahinda Regime though they accept the existence of national question but limit themselves to their frame of solution to nationality question through the Glass of Mahinda Regime. The mistaken position of the nationality question is a consequence of their Social Majority Chauvinism. This Social Majority Chauvinism directly or indirectly helps or strengthens the position of the Sinhala Buddhist majority nationality Chauvinism. Some Social Majority Chauvinist also denies the fact that there is a nationality question, even if they accept it, they disagree with the position that it should be solved on the recognition of Right to self-determination of Nations and Nationalities including the right to secession and the advanced applicability of it to unite all the nations and nationalities with the mutual confidence of voluntary and fraternal agreement. They do not look at the right to self-determination which bears both sides that are secession and unification as sides of a coin.

At the same time the narrow nationalist stands of Tamil bourgeois parties as well as the isolated verbatim response of ultra-leftist against the oppression of fascist Sinhala Buddhist neo-conservative leadership of capitalist forces also to be reckoned with as these are also counterproductive. But still the nationality question of Ceylon remains as a major democratic issue within the frame work of bourgeois democracy unlike the national question prevailed during the periods of pre Soviet or Chinese revolution.

II

International situation

No analysis of international situation would be complete without a discussion of imperialism-the highest stage of capitalism which created the hand full of richest on the hand and the hundreds of millions of impoverished people on the other hand across the globe and continued to keep the labour alienated from the fruits of production process by which the majority of the people of the world are denied from their entitlement to equality.

Pre-capitalist colonialism has been taken a new shape in Capitalist era. The development of Capitalism has become powerful in one territory warranted to hunt for raw materials and resources outside the territory throughout the world thus pushed the powerful countries to acquire other weaker countries as their colonies. In 1930, 40s crisis of colonialism, the struggle of national liberation movements and the consequence of the World War II,  de-colonization has rapidly taken place and by 1960’s most of the colonies have been released from the direct grip of colonialism.

By 1940’s and thereafter the US had an opportunity to lead the situation and formulated new form of colonialism. The US had to settle the contradictions among colonial masters or Imperialists by de-colonization and to face challenges of struggles of national liberation movements and the challenges from socialist camp led by Soviet Union.

As a first step to establish new form of colonialism without directly controlling the territories of other countries in 1944 Brettenwood agreement was reached among the imperialist countries. As the development of this agreement World Bank and International Monetary Fund were established  and this made enable the US to have financial hegemony over the other imperialist countries and countries which have already  released from the direct grip of classic colonialism by granting them aid and loans thus to gain control over financial capital. There were many international and regional agreements entered to cover the fields of Tariff and Trades.

The old ‘Modus of Operandi’ of colonialism has been replaced by global control of trans national companies later on by multinational companies on labour, natural resources, materials, science and technology, capital and market. US has entered into military treaties too, such as NATO and formed imperialist Military alliances in order to control militarily over other countries to keep the smooth running of new form of colonial policies. It manipulates the struggles of the people against other states and use or infiltrate into resistance of the movements to achieve their deceiving targets.

These new form of economic (liberal or open policies) policies and military stratocracy was direct challenges against the Socialist forces, other independent countries and genuine liberation movements.

The said progress of neo-colonialism took a solid form in 1960’s and established in 1980’s with the agenda of imperialist Globalization. The Socialist resistance against Capitalism and Imperialism by the Soviet  led socialist camp due to its internal crisis of revisionist policy which has taken over the control in 1960 has been reduced to substitute Soviet imperialist resistance against US and other imperialist countries in order to establish its puppet governments as well in the countries mostly supported  Soviet Union. As a result of the  external and internal crisis the Soviet System fully collapsed in 1980’s by that time socialist China which was previously opposing the Soviet deviation to revisionism and branded the Soviet state Imperialism as social Imperialism, was in threshold of market socialism, the capitalization of economy of Chinese socialism also has paved the way for the re-capitalist revolution throughout the world which was ready at that time with the technological, information revolution and globalization of capital with the neo-liberalism

After the re-revolution of capitalism in 1980’s almost all the socialist countries were collapsed and Cuba and North Korea which were left in defending position of their socialist structure and other de-colonized countries are subjected to the severe attacks of neo-colonialism.

Under the neo-colonialism the application of neo-liberalism has absorbed almost all the countries. It appears there are no balance of global powers and no economic groupings but really there is no afresh ambiguity of new type in the system of neo-colonialism or neo-Liberalism. The very nature of globalised capital and neo-liberalism is ambiguous but with a system of basic structure and superstructure. Unlike under classical colonialism there is no common or unique application of economic-neo liberalism under neo-colonialist policies.  Neo-liberalism is being practiced and could be practiced also with the specific local characterization of each and every country. The application and ‘modus operandi’ of neo-liberalism in Iran and China are not the same. Brazil Turkey etc have its own characterization of its neo-liberalism. This is only possible in powerful or stronger countries. The weaker countries like Ceylon are not capable enough to implement the neo-liberalism with its own characterization, but compelled to adopt it as the economic system due to the anti – people stand of their political leadership.

Under neo-colonization the sovereignty and integrity of countries are also shaken.               Neo-colonial masters or Imperialism led by US are threatening the political regimes of countries through external as well as  internal wars, peace processes and the pressuring moves through UN and its Agencies such as UNHRC.

Unlike the post-colonial era the political leadership of the decolonized countries are now not progressive enough to struggle against the neo-liberalism the neo-colonial policies of economy. The said leadership are weak in politics too as the regime change is also included in the agenda of neo-colonialism.

The ruling classes of big and stronger capitalist countries like India are no more anti-colonialist or anti-imperialist and not confined their capital within their territory. Their capital is also globalized and global capital from outside also have entered into their economy. Some of them emerged as imperialist countries.

At this backlash the smaller, weaker countries like Ceylon are far more adversely affected. Their economy is totally depended on the external finance capital and market. The dream of self-sufficiency in essential commodities within the territory of a single country has become dearth due to the implementation of the agenda of globalization of neo-colonialism and its basic economic structure of neo-liberalism

The imperialist countries or partners of imperialist globalization such as India and China are working on one hand on common grounds and exploiting labour of their countries and attacking the labour of the smaller, weaker, oppressed nations and countries with super exploitation and threatening the Sovereignty of the said nations, countries and their people and on the other hand they themselves are running the race to lead the others under neo-liberal basic structure. This race is to establish supremacy over the others and over the world based on super nationalism.

The globalization of capital is not permitting the working people to be free to sell their labour at a price of suffice. The revolution of Information Technology is an output of skilled labour but it is monopolized by the global capital and possessed it and based for re-revolution of capitalism. Basing on the Technological Information revolution the expansion of capital or globalization driven by Imperialist Investment has been viable by advanced education and technical level of the larger section of people of former colonies, as a result of national liberation and socialist revolutions.

It is noted that the Technological advancement of class exploitation that is the output of the plunders of wealth of former colonies as well and the super exploitation of skill labour  of the professionals of India, China and other former colonies thus created dearth of professionals in those  countries.

The Technological revolution has paved the way to the imperialist to monopolize to re organize the world production and bring down millions of working people on low wage into global production and services. The migration of workers to the imperialist countries from former colonies also has created new condition of division of labour. This aggravated competition with the working people of Imperialist countries and as a result of new world division of labour the exported capital is being used to drive down the standards of life of workers in the imperialist countries. The expansion of finance capital relinquishes its role as a helper of production and finally driving to control the whole world, its new role attacks on the social system and also the environment. Its crisis lead to massive unemployment reduction of wages thus reduces the purchasing power of the people, reduction of expenditure on education and health etc. the so called projects makes the people into destitute. In other words it creates on the one hand a very handful of nouveau rich and on the other hand creates countless nouveau poor not only in imperialist countries but also in other countries.

There is a massive increase of the numbers of unemployed in imperialist countries as well as non-imperialist or oppressed countries. The over production, accumulation of super value, distribution of essential commodities to the people depended on the profit of the capital/ist. Therefore the sufferings of the people due to lower wage and unemployment are inevitable. So it is obvious that the globalization cannot eradicate the crisis but delay the appearance of crisis.

The neo-colonialism has not only established economic basic structure of neo-liberalism but also super structures in many ways.

The Imperialism is supported with the new political thoughts and theories and ideologies such as post modernism and related theoretical stands, identity politics in the field of nationality question, caste and women oppression without recognizing the class basis or class origin of it.

The role of Non-Governmental Organizations in the so called development activities and policy making of the countries has been increased with the patronage of Imperialism thus the transformation of nation states into corporate bodies to implement                               neo-liberalism.

The UN and its agencies are strengthened in order to safe guard the interest of Imperialism. Want of observance of ‘human rights’ and ‘good governance’ are modern oppressive measures or traps of imperialism on countries of the world. Further it has control the media and communication networks including the social media to go ahead with its agenda.

Imperialism use culture as a tool to hegemonize people of the world. It has an agenda of destroying the lived values of culture and replacing them with counter-productive commercial devalued art and literature. Further by commodifying the cultural products and controlling them and establishing consumerism and individualism as life style of people the Imperialism has establish its super structures for neo-liberalism.

In these premises it is observed that there are following contradictions

(I).    Contradiction between capital and labour.

(II).   Contradiction between imperialist Forces and Socialist Forces.

(III). Contradiction between one hand imperialist countries and imperialist forces and on the other hand oppressed nations/countries and their people.

(IV). The contradiction among imperialist Countries and forces.

III

Internal situation

Most of the political historians who are believed to be possessed with leftist out-look used to tell us that the national capital has been developed during 1956 to 1965 and 1970-1977 when the so called leftist coalition headed by Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) which has been emerged from Sinhala Buddhist forces, that was relatively active during British colonial period has ruled the county. Unlike in India there was no national capitalist class and its nucleus during the pre-independence period. During the colonial rule the big comprador bourgeois class has emerged from the dominant feudal class and which was represented by United National Party which had virtually taken over the power from British colonialist after the independence (1948). The SLFP government of course has taken over or nationalized assets such as plantation and few other industries owned by British companies as well as few Ceylonese.

During the period of the SLFP regime some hand full of individuals were privileged enough to mobilize their capital and the government has grabbed the capital from the British companies as well as some locals under land and house ceiling or nationalization policies and tried to preserve that as state or national capital. It is said by the economist that the state or national capitalism was little successful during the 1956-1965 and established its basic structure in industries. But due to the internal crisis of state capitalism in the mid of the 1960’s it was stagnated and in the 1970s went into serious crisis.

Although the SLFP would have been influenced by the so called leftist parties (LSSP, SLCP) has taken over the agenda of self-sufficiency of agriculture, and established a few basic industries and developed this with socialist Soviet Union and China too. The relationship with socialist countries has exposed SLFP as nationalist party for national capital and national capitalist class. This was the general tendency of resurgent countries all over the post-colonial world. Although the open economic restructures have been openly adopted in Ceylon after 1977 by the United National Party (UNP) the features of the open economy has been introduced in 1975 when SLFP was ruling the country. After 1994 the leadership of the SLFP has fully adopted neo-liberalism as UNP which adopted from 1977 to 1994.

Both UNP and SLFP are bourgeois parties, capitalist in class character and equally racist but SLFP differed till 1977 from UNP has and appeared to be upholding the national aspirations of Sinhala Nationalist. UNP right throughout compromised with imperialism but SLFP took the side of Soviet Union and China and remained with non-aligned movement. The grabbed capital by the state through SLFP government also liquidated due to the internal crisis of the state capitalism.

Therefore the Ceylon has no developed national capital and it is very easily absorbed by the foreign finance capital.

After the implementation of globalization there is no strong rural agriculture or fishing economy. The plantation economy also has been ruined. It is observed that the total production of the country is 16% of GDP and rest of it are provision service (service providing) and trading. Education and health sectors are more and more privatized. Transportation is almost completely determined by private owners.

Ceylon is fully depended on the finance capital of imperialism of US, European Union especially of British; Japan, China, India and South Korea. From the 1980s the open economy has been implemented in full scale which destroyed also the cottage industries like handloom and traditional semi industrial productions and the multi-national companies have taken over full control of the very few industries of the government. Still there are few industries and trading companies of the local citizens which are very much lower in percentage of the total.

Now there is a centralized marked system even for the remaining rural products such as vegetable and fish. Big multinational companies have taken over the agriculture and fishing. Except for a few nationals, foreign companies are now leading in all fields including construction of building, high ways, railway tracks, airport and harbor. Even the monopoly of the state in petroleum has been relaxed and most controlling part has been given to an Indian multinational company (LIOC). Foreign banks are freely functioning in Ceylon.

Since the introduction of 1978 constitution the bourgeoisie parliament governance has been replaced with totalitarian presidential system, which also aimed to ease the implementation of open economy. In the course of the usage of powers of President and for the necessity of the implementation of neo-colonial neo-liberal policies the neo-fascist features are systematically developed. Beside in the guise (smoke screen) of anti-terrorists and anti–separatist activities the militarization has been established, which has very much influenced the majority Sinhala nationality. The rights of the people are denied by various measures through the legislature, executive and judiciary.

The present Mahinda regime’s major components are ex – UNPiers and now basically there is no difference between the UNP and SLFP, the two major parties of the ruling classes of Ceylon in adopting economic base structure of the policies of neo-colonialism and neo– liberalism. But the stand of the leadership of Mahinda regime is neo– conservatism thus an evolution of cultural remnant of feudalism and reluctance of fully submitting itself to super structures of neo-colonialism or neo-liberalism.

There are Free Trade Zones established in the country, and the businesses within the zones are exonerated from the normal laws of the country especially the employees have no Trade Union rights. The government has established Board of Investment (BOI) through which the foreign investments are invited and encouraged. The BOI and Free Trade Business are given with tax holidays and the exportation and importation are given with reduced tariff or tariff free concessions.

The cultural remnants of feudalism are absorbed by the capitalist system and the feudal or classical or colonial aspects or relations are no more in the production process or among productive forces. Therefore, the need will not arise to search for semi-feudal or semi-colonial features. The national capital or national capitalist class which were in preliminary stage at one time either liquidated or absorbed into neo – liberalism.

As the result of the implementation of neo – colonial and neo – liberal policies there are rapid changes taken place in governance and social, economic and cultural lives of Ceylonese.

The Buddhist religious culture has been subjected to many changes which are substantiated with emergence of NGO type of Buddhist organizations, pressure groups of Buddhist organization and saffron parties. There are nearly 30 pro Buddhist organizations functioning and most of them are fascist and with thirst of Sinhala Buddhist hegemony. These organizations are functioning in par with the neo– conservatism of the Mahinda regime but with submission to the neo – liberalism although they show their protest against U.S and that is merely pseudo anti–imperialism.

On the other hand Islamic, Catholic religious organizations are organized with the sectarianian policies and practices with their international networks. Hindu religious organizations are linked with “Hinduthuva” of Indian Hindu organization.

The large sections of the youngsters both male and female are influenced by the destructive culture such as post-modernist style of life of neo – liberalism.  Commercialist commoditization of  culture and entertainment, alcoholism drug addiction, sexual perversion, individualism and other destructive features  of neo – liberal super structures which are attacking lived life values and style of life.

In these backgrounds we can understand that the class character of Ceylon state is capitalist but with neo – colonial, neo – liberal features.

Its special feature or nature is majority national hegemony of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinist fascist oligarchy and neo- conservative. The ruling classes are capitalists and the political leadership which represent them or safeguards their interest with the support of other small communal and regional parties and social democratic or reformist parties which are not against neo – liberalism. There are leftist forces and progressive nationalist democratic forces outside the regime which are not formidable thus no revolutionary party with revolutionary programme.

In Ceylon the contradiction between one hand the capitalist ruling classes aligned with Imperialism adhered to its neo-colonial and neo-liberal policies and the other hand working people, peasants, other exploited classes, oppressed nationalities and other suppressed sections of people, is prevailing as main while the contradiction between on one hand capital of neo-liberalism; neo-colonialism and on the other hand the labor of all the Ceylonese is sharpened as fundamental.

The negation of the capitalist ruling classes of Ceylon to address the nationality question – a task of capitalist revolution has brought the nationality question to the surface as the current major issue.

The ruling classes after the independence have failed to democratize the society especially in the fields of politics, economics and culture, thus created wider inequity among the people.

The capitalism when it emerged in the human history and replaced the feudalism with capitalism it was progressive. But in the course of its development due to unsolvable crisis it has gone against the social life and democratic values of human being and shackled the entire human society. If it is interpreted in terms of the present context of Ceylon too, has to determine that it is necessary for a society or transformation into a society where ownership of the means of production should be with society and not with individuals or corporate bodies which is the basic cause for exploitation, inequality and other social crisis and thereby production will be made for the need of the society under socialist system and through this process to march towards declassed society.

To the change of the kind afore said we are in the threshold of want of anti-capitalist socialist Revolution with the program of anti-imperialist Democratic revolution, which cannot be a two stages of revolution like in China where new democratic revolution was a pre stage of socialist revolution as there is no progressive revolutionary national capitalist class in Ceylon to align with working people of the country towards socialist revolution of working class. And also it cannot be a copycat of Soviet Democratic revolution. But it should be worked out along with the program of anti- capitalist Socialist revolution of working class in order to accomplish the remaining tasks of capitalist democratic revolution.

Now the task before the revolutionary forces that are up holdings banners of Marxism – Leninism for socialist Revolution is to analyze the situation of preparedness of the working class and other exploited classes to over throw capitalist ruling classes of Ceylon from their state power.

IV

Revolution Anterior

The ruling classes of Ceylon are weaker than their counter parts of the world but stronger than the working class of Ceylon. Their military and spying strength are at a height and there is no proper stronger revolutionary working class party, no strong workers union movement, ruling classes of Ceylon have made the life of people miserable thus need changes but forces which could change are divided and weaken.

On the one hand the working people are divided on ethnic and religious wise and on the other hand some section of the working people are absorbed with the culture of the capitalist globalization have become in par with social working class. (they don’t accept and believe that they belong to working class and subjected to exploitation but believe to be part of Human Recourses Management)

To clear the situation we should understand the dire need on behalf of the people is to build up revolutionary working class party with appropriate program of anti-capitalist, socialist revolution.

Anterior to the said goal we should develop United Democratic Mass Movements in all corners beyond Nationality and religious barriers, with the common understanding of all genuine democratic and leftist forces. In the history of Ceylon the electoral politics and the armed resistances of Sinhala are well as Tamil youths have not defeated the enemies of the people but the people themselves. Therefore to make the people the winners their direct participation in Mass Movements and struggles are essential.

At the same time we should not forget that the democratic and leftist forces alone will not be able to over throw the ruling classes from their state as they may not have the goal to establish socialist society the only alternative but they are seen as progressive forces and we have to work with them to develop revolutionary situation as well as to build up a revolutionary party.

The politics of democracy and leftism are product or development of liberal bourgeois society but the vast majority of revolutionary working class forces are also broadly identified as leftist forces. In these situations the revolutionary groups or parties would have to work with the democratic and leftist forces as they are closer forces to work together with.

These works may be contained with two folds inter-alia one is ideological struggle among them and the other is to involve with them in democratic struggles of people, on a broader democratic tactical program. The democratic struggles should also absorb the immediate issues of all people, democratic issues of oppressed nationalities and against neo-colonial, neo-liberal policies.

Although most of the leftist forces are agreeable on these views their sectarian divisive tendencies are debacle to their unity.

Through the ideological struggles among leftist and democratic forces and confederated democratic struggles of people along with those forces with a tactical program, revolutionary party building and preparedness of working people and other exploited for the anti-capitalist socialist revolution of a new type suitable to the specific conditions of Ceylon, would be a positive anterior move in the present context.

Therefore, we the Ceylon Communist Unity Centre invite the Democratic and Leftist forces to involve in ideological struggles as well as take part in United Democratic Mass Struggles of the people in view of building up revolutionary working class party of a new type to overthrow capitalist, neo–colonial, neo–liberal rule, and to create positive vincible revolutionary situation and establish unconquerable socialist revolution.

These all will be possible only when the international, regional situations as well as situation in neighbouring countries are also ripe enough to favour the revolution so this unavoidable external task should also be addressed by us.

END

Revolutionary Greetings,

Conveners:- Comrade E.Thambiah

Comrade W.V Somaratne

Ceylon Communist Unity Centre (CCUC)

Last Updated on Monday, 26 May 2014 21:49

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